UC  SOUTHERN  RE 


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WAR     INFORMATION     SERIES 


No.  2 


August,  1917 


THE   NATION   IN 
ARMS 


By 

FRANKLIN   K.  LANE 

SECRETARY   OF  THE   INTERIOR 

and 

NEWTON   D.  BAKER 

SECRETARY  OF  WAR 


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Publ..hcd  byCOMMIITEt  ONlPUBLIC  INFORMATION.  Waihington.  D.  C. 


THE  COMMITTEE  ON  PUBLIC  INFORMATION 

(Established  by  order  of  the  President  April  4,  1917.) 

Distributed  free  except  that  in  the  case  of  No.  2  and  No.  3  of 
the  Red,  White,  and  Blue  Series,  the  subscriber  should  for- 
ward 15  cents  each  to  cover  the  cost  of  printing. 

I.    Red,  White,  and  Blue  Series: 

No.  1.  How  the  War  came  to  America  (English,  German, 
Polish,  Bohemian,  Italian,  Spanish,  and  Swedish). 

No.  2.  National  Service  Handbook  (primarily  for  libraries, 
schools,  Y.  M.  C.  A.'s,  chibs,  fraternal  organiza- 
tions, etc.,  as  a  guide  and  reference  work  on  all 
forms  of  war  activity — civil,  charitable,  and  mili- 
tary. 

No.  3.  The  Battle  Line  of  Democracy.  Pro.se  and  Poetry  of 
the  Great  War. 

No.  4.  The  President's  Flag  Day  Speech  with  Evidence  of 
Germany's  Plans. 

No.  5.  Conquest  and  Kultur,  the  Germans'  Aims  in  Their  Own 
Words,  by  Wallace  Notestein  and  Elmer  E.  Stoll. 

Other  issues  in  preparation. 


II.    War  Information  Series: 

Xo.  101.  The  War  Message  and  Facts  Behind  It. 

No.  102.  The  Nation  in  Arms,  by  Secretaries  Lane  and  Baker. 

No.  103.  The  Government  of  Germany,  Ijy  Prof.  Charles  D. 

Hazen. 
No.  104.  TIic  Great  War:    from  Spectator  to  Participant. 
No.  10-5.  A  War  of  Self- Defense,  by  Secretary  1  ansing  and 

Assistant  Secretary  of  Labor  Louis  F.  Post. 
No.  106.  American  Loyalty  by  Citizens  of  German  Descent. 
No.  107.  Amerikanische  Biirgertreue,  a  tran.slation  of  No.  6. 
No.  108.  American  Interest  in  Popular  Government  Abroad, 

by  Prof.  Vj.  B.  GrecMie. 
No.  109.  Homo  Heading  Counse  for  Citizen  Soldiers. 
No.  110.  First  Ses.sion  of  tlie  War  Congress,  by  Charles  Merz. 

Other  issues  will  shortly  appear. 

m.    Official  Bulletin: 

Accurate  daily  statement  of  what  all  agencies  of  govern- 
ment are  doing  in  war  times.  Sent  free  to  newsi>apers 
and  postmasters  (to  be  put  on  bulletin  boards).  Sul)- 
scription  price,  So  per  year. 


Address  requests  and  orders  to 

COMMITTEE  OX   PUBLIC  INFORMATION, 

Washington,  D.  C. 


SRLF 
YRL 


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WHY  WE  ARE  FIGHTING  GERMANY. 


By  Frankun  K.  Lane,  Secretary  of  the  Interior. 


WJIY  are  we  fijrlitiug  CJermany?  The  brief  answer 
is  that  ours  is  a  war  of  self-defense.  We  did  not 
wisli  to  li'^dit  Gennany.  She  made  the  attack 
upon  ns;  not  on  our  shores,  but  on  our  ships,  our  lives, 
our  rights,  our  future.  For  two  years  and  more  we  held 
to  a  neutrality  that  nuide  us  apoloj^ists  for  thin<rs  which 
outraged  man's  eounnon  sense  of  fair  jday  and  humanity. 
At  each  new  on'cnse — the  invasion  of  HclLrium.  the  killiiii,' 
of  civilian  iicjkrians,  the  attacks  on  Scarborough  and  other 
defenseless  towns,  the  laying  of  mines  in  neulral  waters, 
the  fencing  off  of  the  .sea-s — and  on  and  on  llirough  the 
months  we  said:  '"'riiis  is  war — archaic,  uncivili/ed  \v;ir.  Imt 
war!  All  rules  have  been  thrown  away:  all  nobility;  man 
ha.s  come  d<»\vn  to  the  ])riniilive  brute.  And  while  we  can- 
not justify  we  will  not  interveue.    It  is  not  our  war." 

Then  why  are  we  in?  Hecause  we  cotdd  not  keep  out. 
The  invasion  of  lieluium.  which  opened  the  war.  led  to  the 
invasion  of  the  United  States  by  sbiw.  steady.  l<>gical  steps. 
Our  sympathies  evolved  into  a  conviction  of  self-interest. 
Our  love  of  fair  play  ripened  into  alarm  at  our  own  peril. 

We  talked  in  the  lanL'unee  and  in  the  spirit  of  good  faith 
an<l  sineerity.  as  honest  men  slioidd  talk,  until  we  discovered 
that  our  talk  was  construed  as  cowardice.  And  Mexico  was 
called  upon  to  invade  us.  We  talked  us  men  would  talk  who 
cared  alone  f()r  [)eace  and  the  advancenu-nt  of  their  own 
material  interests,  until  we  discovered  that  we  were  thought 
to  be  a  nation  of  mere  money  makers,  devoid  t)f  all  char- 
neter — until,  indeed,  we  were  told  that  we  coidd  not  walk 
the  highways  of  the  world  without  permission  of  a  Prtissian 
soldier;   that    otir   ships   might   not   sail    without    wearing  a 

38SflO'— 17  3 


liiU 


4  THE   NATION   IN    ARMS. 

striped  iinirorm  of  Immiliation  upon  a  narrow  path  of 
national  subservience.  We  talked  as  men  talk  who  hope  for 
honest  agreement,  not  for  war,  until  we  found  that  the 
treaty  torn  to  pieces  at  Liege  was  but  the  symbol  of  a  policy 
that  made  agreements  worthless  against  a  purpose  that  knew 
no  word  but  success. 

And  so  we  came  into  this  war  for  ourselves.  It  is  a  war 
to  save  America — to  preserve  self-respect,  to  justify  our 
right  to  live  as  we  have  lived,  not  as  some  one  else  wishes  us 
to  live.  In  the  name  of  freedom  we  challenge  with  ships 
and  men,  money,  and  an  undaunted  spirit,  that  word 
"Verboten"  which  Germany  has  written  upon  the  sea  and 
upon  the  land.  For  America  is  not  the  name  of  so  much 
territory.  It  is  a  living  spirit,  born  in  travail,  grown  in  the 
rough  school  of  bitter  experiences,  a  living  spirit  which  has 
purpose  and  pride,  and  conscience — knows  why  it  wishes  to 
live  and  to  what  end,  knows  how  it  comes  to  be  respected  of 
the  world,  and  hopes  to  retain  that  respect  by  living  on  with 
the  light  of  Lincoln's  love  of  man  as  its  Old  and  New  Testa- 
ment. It  is  more  precious  that  this  America  should  live  than 
that  we  Americans  should  live.  And  this  America,  as  we  now 
see,  has  been  challenged  from  the  first  of  this  war  by  the  strong 
arm  of  a  power  that  has  no  sympathy  with  our  purpose  and 
will  not  hesitate  to  destroy  us  if  the  law  that  we  respect,  the 
rights  that  are  to  us  sacred,  or  the  spirit  that  we  have,  stand 
across  her  set  will  to  make  this  world  how  before  her  policies, 
backed  by  her  organized  and  scientific  military  system.  The 
world  of  Christ — a  neglected  but  not  a  rejected  Christ — has 
come  again  face  to  face  with  the  world  of  IMahomet,  who  willed 
to  win  by  force. 

With  this  background  of  history  and  in  this  sense,  then, 
we  fight  Germany — 

Because  of  Belgium — invaded,  outraged,  enslaved,  im- 
poverished Belgium.  We  cannot  forget  Liege,  Louvain, 
and  Cardinal  ^lercier.  Translated  into  terms  of  American 
history,  these  names  stand  for  Bunker  Hill,  Lexington,  and 
Patrick  Henry. 

Becau.se  of  France — invaded,  desecrated  France,  a  million 
of  whose  heroic  sons  have  died  to  save  the  land  of  Lafayette. 
Glorious  golden  France,  the  preserver  of  the  arts,  the  land 


THE   NATION   IN   ARMS.  5 

of  noble  spirit — the  fii-st  land  to  follow  our  lead  into  repub- 
lican liberty. 

Because  of  Enfrland — from  whom  came  the  laws,  tradi- 
tions, standard^  of  life,  and  inherent  love  of  liberty  wliich 
we  call  An^lo-Saxon  civilization.  We  defeated  her  once 
upon  the  land  and  once  uj)on  the  sea.  But  Australia,  New 
Zealand,  Africa,  and  Canada  are  free  because  of  what  we 
did.  And  they  are  with  us  in  the  fight  for  the  freedom  of 
the  seas. 

Because  of  Russia — New  Kussia.  She  must  not  be  over- 
whelmed now.  Not  now,  surely,  when  she  is  just  born  into 
freedom.  Her  jjeasants  mu.st  have  their  chance;  they  must 
go  to  school  to  Washington,  to  Jefferson,  and  to  Lincoln 
until  they  know  tlieir  way  al)out  in  this  new,  strange  world 
of  government  by  the  poi>ular  will. 

liccaiise  of  otluT  j)eoples,  with  tlicir  rising  hope  that  the 
world  niav  hv  fr«'<il  from  government  bv  the  soblicr. 

We  are  fighting  Gernuiny  because  she  sought  to  terrorize 
us  and  th«Mi  to  fool  us.  \Vc  could  not  believe  that  (Jerniauy 
would  do  what  she  said  she  would  do  u|)on  the  seas. 

W<'  still  hear  the  piteous  cries  of  eliildreii  eomiuu  up  out 
of  the  wa  where  the  Lusifania  went  down.  And  (liiiiianv 
has  never  asked  foru'iveness  *>\'  llie  world. 

\^^•  saw  tlie  Sussex  sunk,  (.-rowded  witli  llie  sons  iiiid 
daughters  of  neutral  nations. 

We  .saw  ship  after  ship  sent  to  the  holtoni  shijis  of  mercy 
boiuid  out  of  Ainerieji  for  the  Belu'ian  starving;  ships  carry- 
ing the  Red  ('roK.H  and  ladr'ii  with  the  woundeil  of  all  tuitions; 
ships  carrying  food  and  •■lothing  to  friendly,  harmless,  ter- 
rorized peoples;  ships  (lyiiig  the  Stars  and  Stripes  sent  tf) 
the  bottom  hundreds  of  miles  fnuii  sliore.  maruied  by  Ameri- 
can seamen,  murdered  atrainst  all  law,  without  warning. 

We  believerl  fiPfmnny's  promise  that  she  would  resp«'ct 
the  neutral  flag  ami  the  rights  of  neutrals,  and  we  held  our 
anger  and  outrage  in  eheek.  But  now  we  see  that  she  was 
holdintr  us  niT  with  fair  |»romises  until  she  eonld  bnild  her 
huge  fleet  of  submarities.  For  when  s[tring  came  she  blew 
her  promise  into  the  air.  just  as  at  the  beirinninsr  she  luid 
torn  up  that  ".serap  of  paper."  Then  we  saw  clearly  that 
there  was  but  one  law  for  CJermany— her  will  to  rule. 


6  THE    NATION    IN    ARMS. 

We  are  fiulitiny  Geniiany  because  she  violated  our  confi- 
dence. Paid  German  spies  lilled  our  cities.  Officials  of  her 
Government,  received  as  the  guests  of  this  Nation,  lived 
with  us  to  bribe  and  terrorize,  defying  our  law  and  the  law 
of  nations. 

"We  are  fighting  Germany  because  while  we  were  j'et  her 
friends — the  only  great  power  that  still  held  hands  off — she 
sent  the  Zimmermann  note,  calling  to  her  aid  Mexico,  our 
southern  neighbor,  and  hoping  to  lure  Japan,  our  western 
neighbor,  into  war  against  this  Nation  of  peace. 

The  nation  that  would  do  these  things  proclaims  tne 
gospel  that  government  has  no  conscience.  And  this  doc- 
trine cannot  live,  or  else  democracy  mnst  die.  For  the 
nations  of  the  world  must  keep  faith.  There  can  be  no  living 
for  us  in  a  world  where  the  state  has  no  conscience,  no  rev- 
erence for  the  things  of  the  spirit,  no  respect  for  international 
law,  no  mercy  for  those  who  fall  before  its  force.  What  an 
unordered  world!  Anarchy!  The  anarchy  of  rival  wolf 
packs ! 

We  are  fighting  Germany  because  in  this  war  feudalism  is 
making  its  last  stand  against  on-coming  democracy.  We  see 
it  now.  This  is  a  war  against  an  old  spirit,  an  ancient,  out- 
worn spirit.  It  is  a  war  against  feudalism — the  right  of  the 
castle  on  the  hill  to  rule  the  village  below.  It  is  a  war  for 
democracy — the  right  of  all  to  be  their  own  masters.  Let 
Germany  be  feudal  if  she  will.  l)ut  she  must  not  spread  her 
system  over  the  world  that  has  outgrown  it.  Feudalism 
plus  science,  thirteenth  century  plus  twentieth — this  is  the 
religion  of  the  mistaken  Germany  thnt  has  linked  itself  with 
the  Turk;  that  has,  too,  adopted  the  method  of  IMahomet. 
"The  state  has  no  conscience."  "The  state  can  do  no 
wrong."  With  the  spirit  of  the  fanatic  she  believes  this 
gospel  and  that  it  is  her  duty  to  spread  it  l)y  force.  With 
poison  gas  that  makes  livintr  a  hell,  with  submarines  that 
snenk  through  the  seas  to  slyly  mur.ler  noncombatants.  with 
dirigibles  that  bombard  men  and  women  while  they  sleep, 
vaih  a  perfected  system  of  terrorization  that  the  modern 
world  first  heard  of  when  German  troops  entered  China, 
German  feudalism  is  making  war  upon  mankind.  Let  this 
old  spirit  of  evil  have  its  way  and  no  man  will  live  in  America 


THE    NATION    IN    ARMS.  7 

■vdthout  payiug  toll  to  it  in  nianhood  and  in  money.  This 
spirit  might  demand  Canada  fi'om  a  defeated,  navyless 
England,  and  then  our  dream  of  peace  on  the  north  would 
be  at  an  end.  We  would  live,  as  France  has  lived  for  -40 
years,  in  haunting  terror. 

America  speaks  for  the  world  in  fighting  Germany.  Mark 
on  a  map  those  countries  which  are  Germany's  allies  and  you 
will  mark  but  four,  running  from  the  Baltic  through  Austria 
and  Bulgaria  to  Turkey.  All  the  other  nations  the  whole 
globe  around  are  in  arms  a;rainst  her  or  are  unable  to  move. 
There  is  deep  meaning  in  this.  We  fight  with  the  world  for 
an  honest  world  in  which  uatiouM  keep  their  word,  for  a  world 
in  which  nations  d<>  not  live  by  swagger  or  by  threat,  for  a 
world  in  which  men  think  of  the  ways  in  which  they  can 
oonquer  the  <'r)mnion  cruelties  of  nature  instead  of  inventing 
more  liorrible  cruelties  to  intliet  upon  the  sj)irit  and  body  of 
man,  for  a  world  in  which  the  ambition  or  the  philosophy  of  a 
few  shall  not  nuike  miserable  all  nmnkind,  for  a  world  in  which 
the  man  is  held  more  precious  than  the  machine,  the  system, 
or  the  state. 


WAR  MEASURES  AND  PURPOSES. 


By  Newton  D.  Baicer,  Secretary  of  War. 

In  1776,  on  the  4th  daj'  of  July,  a  nation  was  born,  dedi- 
cated to  a  new  theory  of  government  and  a  new  ideal  of 
human  liberty.  On  the  4th  day  of  July,  1917  our  news- 
papers announced  throughout  a  vast  and  populous  conti- 
nent, to  a  people  who  for  more  than  100  years  have  known 
political  liberty,  and  with  it  unexampled  j)rogress,  that  an 
expeditionary  force  of  their  soldiers  had  landed,  without 
the  loss  of  a  man,  on  the  soil  of  France  to  defend  in  that 
place  the  great  principle  of  democracy  and  liberty  under 
which  they  have  thrived  so  long. 

In  passing,  it  will  be  deemed  appropriate  for  me  to  pay  a 
tribute  of  thanks  from  the  Army  to  the  Navy  for  the  superb 
way  in  which  they  acquitted  themselves  of  the  grave  respon- 
sibility of  that  convoy.  And  I  think  I  can  say  to  the  Ameri- 
can people  that  the  splendid  cooperation  between  the  Navy 
and  the  Army  which  characterized  this  first  martial  exploit 
is  a  promise  of  a  happy  and  effective  cooperation  in  the  fu- 
ture. So  that  we  can  look  forward  to  the  American  Army  and 
the  American  Navy,  the  two  strong  arms  of  the  American 
people  on  many  glorious  fields  and  on  many  glorious  seas, 
sustaining  the  traditions  of  our  country  and  establishing 
forever  the  belief  that  free  men  in  a  battle  for  freedom  fear 
no  foe.  But  I  want  to  ask  your  attention  to  the  occasion  for 
our  being  in  France  with  our  soldiers. 

One  of  the  traditional  policies  of  the  United  States  from 
its  beginning  has  been  the  avoidance  of  entangling  alliances. 
The  United  States  is  in  no  entangling  alliance.  We  are  in 
this  war  upon  no  sordid  mission  of  any  sort.  We  do  not 
seek  to  take  the  possessions  of  any  other  people  or  to  im- 
pose by  force  our  will  upon  any  other  people  in  the  making 
of  their  government  or  in  an  encroachment  upon  their 
rights.      But   after   a   patience    perfectly    unparalleled    and 

(8) 


THE   NATION    IN    ARMS.  9 

after  an  effort  worthy  of  our  civilization  to  accomplish  the 
recognition  of  our  rights  and  of  our  freedom,  by  diplomacy 
and  by  every  peaceful  art,  America  is  in  arms  now  to  vindi- 
cate upon  the  battletield  the  right  of  democracy  to  exist 
against  the  denials  of  autocracy. 

Things  have  come  to  a  pass  in  this  world  where  all  man- 
kind must  choose  whether  the  nations  of  the  earth  are  to 
be  autocratic  in  their  government  and  militarist  in  their 
pretensions  or  democratic  in  their  governments  ajid  just  in 
their  pretensions. 

America  has  chosen — nay,  she  chose  in  1776 — that  she 
intended  to  be  democratic  in  her  policies  and  in  her  ^foverii- 
ment,  and  our  wiioh-  history  of  more  than  100  years  justifies 
the  statement  that  our  peo[)le  are  wedded  and  devoted  to 
the  idea  of  international  justice  as  the  rule  upon  which 
nations  shall  live  together  in  peace  and  amity  ui)on  the  earth. 

So  that  when  we  entered  this  war  we  entered  it  in  order 
that  we  and  our  children  and  our  childrctrs  children  miirht 
fabricate  a  new  and  belter  civilization  under  better  condi- 
tions, enjoying  liberty  of  person,  liberty  of  belief,  freedom  of 
8[)eech  and  freedom  as  to  our  political  institutions.  We 
entered  this  war  to  remove  from  ourselves,  our  children  ami 
our  ehjldren's  ehiMreri  the  menace  wliieh  threatened  to 
deny  us  that  right. 

I  want  to  ai)[>eal  to  you  ami  to  all  Anu'ricaus.  Never, 
during  the  [)rogr<'SH  of  llils  war.  let  us  for  one  instant  forget 
the  higli  and  holy  missinn  with  which  we  entered  it,  no 
matter  what  the  cost,  no  matter  what  llie  temptation. 

Let  us  bring  otit  of  tliis  war  the  (Iml'  of  «»nr  country  as 
untarnished  ns  it  iroes  in.  sanctified  jind  consecrjited  to  the 
establishment  of  lilnrty  f<.r  ;ill  men  who  dwll  on  tlie  f;ico 
of  the  earth. 

.\tifl  now  let  me  tal'o  your  time  jtist  for  a  moment  to  tell 
yon  something  of  our  preparation.  As  you  know,  the 
Conirress  of  the  Tnitefl  States  has  ordained  that  we  sludl 
undertake  extensive  military  preparation.  It  is  provided 
that  the  Army  of  the  United  States  shall  consist  of  the 
Regular  Army,  the  Xationnl  TJuard.  and  the  National  Army. 

The  Rerrular  Army  and  National  rjuard  recruited  to  war 
strength,   and   to   them   ought   to   be   added    r)00.Of)0   young 


10  THE   NATION  IN   ARMS. 

men  between  the  ages  of  21  and  31,  drawn  from  the  body 
of  our  couutry  by  selective  processes  which  will  recognize 
the  needs  of  industry,  the  needs  of  dependents,  and  those 
relations  in  life  which  ought  not  to  be  sacrificed  if  our 
national  strength  is  to  be  preserved  to  its  maximum  efficiency. 

And  it  is  provided  in  the  law  that  when  these  armies  are 
assembled  there  shall  be  no  difference  between  the  Regular 
Army,  the  National  Guard,  and  the  National  Army.  But 
every  man,  whether  he  has  had  training  in  the  Regular 
Army  or  not.  whether  he  has  had  training  in  the  guard  or 
not,  whether  he  be  a  member  of  the  selective  National 
Army,  is  equal  in  dignity,  in  responsibility,  and  in  oppor- 
tunity— a  member  of  the  Army  of  the  United  States. 

There  Avill  be  preserved  that  just  pride  which  the  people 
of  our  several  States  have  in  their  own  soldier  boys,  so  that 
the  soldier  from  New  York  will  be  known  as  a  part  of  the 
contribution  of  this  great  Commonwealth  to  our  national 
strength,  and  the  soldier  from  Wisconsin  and  from  Ohio 
and  from  Texas  equally  designated;  but  in  the  eyes  of  the 
country,  in  all  that  is  done  for  them  and  in  all  that  they 
do  for  us,  there  is  to  be  neither  distinction  nor  prejudice 
nor  favoritism,  but  they  stand  equal  as  the  servants  and  as 
the  upholders  of  our  liberties. 

And  this  great  company  of  men  are  to  be  trained — they 
are  to  be  trained  to  meet  modern  conditions  of  war.  They 
are  to  be  equipped  with  the  most  modern  and  effective 
devices,  both  for  aggression  upon  our  adversary  and  the 
protection  of  our  own  men.  And  I  want  to  say  to  the 
mothers  and  fathers,  to  the  wives  and  sisters,  of  American 
soldiers  that  the  Congress  has  provided  the  money  and  the 
expert  minds  of  this  country  are  providing  the  experience 
and  the  knowledge,  and  every  effort  is  being  made  and  is 
to  be  made  to  protect  our  soldiers  against  any  possible  loss 
or  sacrifice  that  can  be  avoided  in  this  great  undertaking. 

Modern  times  have  witnessed  many  new  things.  The 
great  science  of  medicine  and  sanitation  has  wonderfully 
advanced,  and  all  the  safeguards  that  knowledge  and  science 
can  throw  around  our  soldiers  are  to  be  placed  about  them. 
And  in  these  great  encampments,  where  they  are  to  be 
trained,  modern  recreation  experts  are  to  provide  wholesome 


THE   NATION    IN    ARMS.  11 

and  attractive  amusemeuts  for  their  leisure,  so  that  Miicii 
they  come  out  of  the  Army  they  Avill  have  no  scars  except 
tliose  honorably  Avon  in  warfare  against  the  enemy  of  their 
country. 

The  mere  business  of  this  enterprise  is  very  great.  Perhaps 
I  can  give  some  idea  to  you  of  what  it  means  if  I  quote  for 
your  information  a  few  comparative  figures. 

Take,  for  instance,  the  subject  of  aeronautics.  Tn  1915 
the  Congress  ai)proi)riated  something  less  than  half  a  million 
dollars  for  the  building  i)f  aircraft  in  the  Army.  In  1!>17  the 
appropriation  was  .^47.000.000,  and  now  Congress  has  i)assed, 
and  the  President  has  signed,  a  l)ill  which  ai)pr()priates  the 
great  sum  of  $030,000,000  for  the  building  of  aeroplanes. 

And  the  i)rogram  is  lliat  American  skill  and  iii'.;i'iniity, 
American  .scientific  laiowledge  and  the  skill  of  handicrafts- 
men, of  inexhaustil)I('  resources  of  supplies,  shall  be  drawn 
upo!i.  ami  we  shall  coufribntc  to  those  willi  whom  we  are 
associated  in  this  war  abroad  the  unquestionable  supremacy 
of  the  air. 

Put  to  illustrate  tliis  com|)arison  further,  uiu'er  normal 
eircumstariees  llie  a[»propriati<ni  )ii;:(b'  b>-  Congress  lor  our 
Army's  regidar  snp[>lies  is  about  $l().0(»0.(l()0.  and  this  year 
for  war  tlie  first  approj)riation  is  .$110,000,000.  In  the 
item  of  Ij-ansporlalion  for  the  Army,  instead  of  the  pcaee 
time  ai>propriation  of  some  .$1 :!.()()(».()( Ml  or  ^H.OOO.OOO. 
Congress  has  already  appivipriatetl  .$222,000,000.  For  ebilli- 
iiig  ami  siieli  items,  iiistcjid  of  tin-  ordiiuu'v  appropriation 
of  .$G.r)0O.OOO.  Congress  has  appro|)riated  more  lli.iii 
$200,000,000. 

Nf»w  let  me  trive  you  the  detail  of  nnl.v  one  item:  Take 
the  item  of  supplies.  We  mu.st  buy  now  for  tbe  armi<'s 
that  we  are  traiiiini:  and  sendintr  nbroa<l  .').000.00t)  blankets, 
37.000.000  yards  «.f  bobinettes.  45.000.000  yards  of  eot- 
tou  <'1.,|||.  21.000.000  yards  of  luiblenejied  <lrilling— nay. 
we  have  to  go  to  every  factory  and  wnrksiioji  in  this 
country  and  start  its  wheels  K[)innintr  in  or<ler  that  these 
nTq)reefd('iited  rniantities  of  siipjiliis  m.TV  bi-  ;i v;iil;iblc  fur 
our  armies. 

A?>(1  tln'ii  wp  must  build  in  the  T'nited  States  )C,  r-ifir-s 
within   tbe  ificrodibly  short  space  of  time  of  three   motitbs. 


12  THE   NATION   IN   ARMS. 

They  are  to  be  built  of  wood,  and  each  of  these  16  cities  is 
to  house  40,000  men,  not  only  with  i)laces  of  shelter,  but 
with  places  for  their  cooking,  hospitals  and  all  of  the  build- 
ings that  ordinarily  go  with  a  city. 

I  tell  you  these  things,  not  to  magnify  the  size  of  the  task 
but  to  illustrate  to  you  the  w^ay  in  which  our  progress  is 
being  made,  for  I  can  tell  you  that,  although  all  these 
things  are  unprecedented  in  size  and  quantity,  American 
industry  is  so  rapidly  responding  that  they  are  being  fur- 
nished and  will  be  supplied  on  time. 

In  contemplation  of  these  achievements,  however,  there  is 
one  particular  thought  always  to  be  kept  in  mind.  We  must 
look  to  the  end  of  this  great  business.  We  at  home  must 
fight  for  democracy  here  as  well  as  our  armies  for  it  abroad. 

In  the  midst  of  our  military  enterprises  we  must  be  equally 
loj'al  to  our  own  ])olitical  theories  here.  All  this  vast  reor- 
ganization of  industry  must  be  made  without  the  loss  of  the 
great  physical  and  social  gains  which  we  have  achieved  in 
the  last  hundred  years,  mostly  years  of  peace  and  fruitful 
effort  and  toil. 

We  must  not  alloAv  the  hours  and  conditions  of  people 
who  work  and  labor  in  factories  and  workshops  to  be  upset 
and  interfered  with.  We  must  preserve  the  sweetness  of 
our  rights.  We  must  agree  in  deeds  of  grace  here,  as  our 
soldiers  do  deeds  of  grace  on  the  other  side,  for  I  can  see  the 
day  when  our  harbors  will  be  filled  with  the  mass  of  ships 
returning  from  abroad  and  bringing  back  our  soldiers. 

They  will  come,  it  may  he  wnth  their  ranks  somewhat 
thinned  by  sacrifice,  but  with  themselves  glorified  by  ac- 
complishments; and  when  those  heroes  step  off  the  boats 
and  tell  us  that  they  have  won  the  fight  for  democracy  in 
Europe,  we  must  be  able  to  tell  them  in  return  that  we  have 
kept  the  faith  of  democracy  at  home  and  won  battles  here 
for  that  cause  while  they  were  fighting  there.  The  end  of 
this  whole  matter  is  that  when  this  war  is  over  and  it  is 
definitely  detemiined  among  the  children  of  men  that  au- 
tocracy is  bidden  to  veil  its  face  forever;  when  government 
becomes  all  over  the  world  merely  the  instrument  of  en- 
lightened popular  will  and  judgment;  w^hen  the  interests  of 
the  lowest  and  the  least  in  every  society  is  vital  to  the  welfare 


THE   NATION    IN    ARMS.  13 

and  the  interest  of  all  that  society;  Avlieu  the  rule  of  the 
people  is  established  in  the  world  and  the  historians  write 
it  down  that  America,  born  in  freedom  and  dcilicated  to 
liberty,  has  saved  that  great  doctrine  for  the  salvation  of 
mankind — it  will  then  be  said  that  in  1917  we  arrayed  our 
Nation  and  sent  to  the  war  our  soldiers ;  that  we  sustained 
them  by  our  industrial  enterprises  at  home;  that  we  kept 
our  national  spirit  pure  and  undefiled  ;  and  that  the  dawn 
of  liberty  for  men  all  over  the  world  dales  fiom  that  day 
when  our  soldiers  landed  in  France  and  began  the  final 
conquest  for  freedom. 


